By Anushka Verma | Updated: 13 November 2025
INTRODUCTION
The Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) has long occupied a central, almost unavoidable space in Bihar’s political narrative. Built on the formidable foundation of the Muslim-Yadav (MY) coalition, it has enjoyed decades of unwavering loyalty from communities that saw themselves in the social justice lens that Lalu Prasad Yadav introduced into the state’s politics. Yet, the story of Bihar’s electoral dynamics in 2025 reveals a far more layered and complex reality—one that suggests that the RJD’s strongest pillars might also be the very factors preventing its expansion.
Tejashwi Yadav, carrying both the legacy and burden of his father’s political era, has attempted to reconstruct RJD’s identity. He speaks the language of development, jobs, governance, and youth aspirations—far from the caste-loaded rhetoric of the 1990s. He promises ten lakh government jobs. He positions himself as a modern leader who envisions a new Bihar. He reaches out to non-Yadav OBCs, EBCs, Dalits, micro-castes, and marginalized artisans. He forms alliances with smaller caste-based outfits. He invokes social justice icons like Karpoori Thakur. He organizes large sammelans for Telis, Nonias, Nishads and Kushwahas. He aligns with Congress to strengthen his ideological stance on caste census and representation.
Yet, despite all these efforts, there remains a persistent hesitation among large non-Yadav OBC groups—Koeri-Kushwahas, Nonias, Telis, Nishads, and various EBC clusters. They continue to view RJD with a blend of caution, skepticism, and historical discomfort. The MY base remains loyal, but RJD’s dream of transforming itself into a broader OBC coalition remains unrealized.
This article—a meticulous 4000-word AISA-style editorial analysis—explores why this expansion remains elusive. It examines the historical context, modern-day challenges, caste identities, symbolic vs. structural outreach, BJP’s micro-engineering model, Nitish Kumar’s EBC narrative, Tejashwi’s promises, alliances with smaller parties, ground-level sentiments, and what RJD must do to reposition itself in Bihar’s evolving political geometry. The aim here is to capture the complete, nuanced picture from the vantage point of a professional political journalist with years of field experience.
TABLE: Communities & RJD’s Outreach Effectiveness (2020–2025)
| Social Group | Approx Population Share | Traditional Leaning | RJD’s Outreach Strategy | Effectiveness |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Yadavs | 12–14% | RJD Strong Base | Leadership image, loyalty communication | Very High |
| Muslims | 16–17% | RJD Strong Base | Secular politics, safety narrative | High |
| Koeri–Kushwahas | 8–10% | JD(U)/BJP | Karpoori Thakur symbolism, outreach events | Low |
| Telis | 4–5% | BJP leaning | Teli Samaj Sammelans | Low |
| Nishads | 5–6% | VIP/BJP | Alliance with VIP | Moderate |
| Nonias | 3–4% | BJP/EBC | Panchayat outreach | Low |
| EBC Cluster (100+ micro-castes) | 30%+ | JD(U)/BJP | EBC quota push, caste census | Low to Moderate |
RJD’s Expanding Challenge Beyond the MY Base
The RJD’s political core remains its MY support, but this core—though stable—is simply not enough to form a government on its own in the current electoral environment. Bihar’s politics today is no longer dominated by a single caste axis. Instead, it is an intricate web of communities, micro-identities, aspirational youth groups, and welfare-based expectations. BJP and JD(U) have successfully fragmented the OBC and EBC vote bank into smaller, manageable political units and aligned them through welfare schemes, caste recognition, and consistent grassroots engagement.
Even though Tejashwi Yadav attempts to paint a broader and inclusive picture, communities outside MY often feel that RJD’s identity is too strongly rooted in Yadav leadership dominance. This perception—fair or not—becomes a major hurdle in building trust among Koeris, Kushwahas, Nonias, Telis, and Nishads.
Tejashwi’s efforts to establish himself as the champion of youth and employment rights have garnered admiration across castes, but admiration alone does not translate smoothly into votes—especially when caste-based anxieties are deeply embedded in Bihar’s social fabric.
Historical Competition in Bihar’s Rural Landscape
One cannot understand Bihar’s OBC hesitation toward RJD without looking at the rural socio-economic realities of the 1980s and 1990s. In many parts of the state, agricultural land ownership created a natural conflict between Yadavs and other OBC communities like Koeris and Kushwahas. Panchayat-level politics, control over local administrative channels, and access to rural resources led to caste contestations that shaped the identity of these communities.
When Lalu Prasad Yadav became Chief Minister, many non-Yadav OBCs perceived that Yadav influence increased disproportionately in administrative matters, local policing, and rural decision-making. Whether this is historically accurate or politically exaggerated doesn’t matter—the narrative has cemented itself into public memory.
Tejashwi Yadav, despite his modern political persona, inherits this memory. In most villages, the phrase “RJD matlab Yadavon ki party” still circulates, making other OBCs uncomfortable with the fear of losing cultural and political space.
The Fear of Returning to Yadav Dominance
Opposition parties have weaponized the memories of the 1990s era by constantly reminding voters of “jungle raj,” law and order breakdowns, and caste-centered governance. Older generations in many OBC and EBC communities carry stories—sometimes exaggerated, sometimes accurate—of administrative imbalance.
Thus, even when Tejashwi speaks eloquently of development and modern governance, his audience is divided:
Younger voters admire him.
Older voters distrust the legacy he represents.
This psychological friction becomes a powerful obstacle for RJD.
BJP’s Deep Social Engineering Among OBCs & EBCs
Perhaps the biggest reason RJD struggles to expand is the BJP’s systematic caste engineering. The BJP identified more than 100 EBC and artisan communities and stitched alliances through:
- Personal leaders from micro-castes
- Identity recognition
- Welfare schemes
- Economic assistance programs
- Appointments in party posts
- Representation in elections
For communities like:
- Telis
- Lohars
- Nonias
- Pasis
- Nishads
- Binds
- Rajbhars
BJP’s outreach created a strong emotional and political connect. The party made these groups feel valued, relevant, and integral to the state’s future.
RJD, compared to this, appears late to the game.
Nitish Kumar’s EBC Legacy Still Dominates Rural Bihar
One cannot underestimate Nitish Kumar’s long-term investment in EBC politics. He created EBC-specific quotas, empowered them in panchayat politics, and promoted the identity narrative that EBCs are “the real backward.”
For many EBC castes, Nitish—not RJD—is the symbol of their political awakening. Even when JD(U) weakens at the top level, its grassroots EBC network remains strong. RJD’s attempts to replace Nitish as the champion of EBCs feel sudden compared to two decades of JD(U)’s consistent positioning.
Symbolic Politics vs. Structural Representation
Tejashwi has made considerable symbolic efforts: invoking Karpoori Thakur’s legacy, organizing events for specific castes, speaking frequently about social justice and caste census. But symbolic gestures cannot replace deep structural representation.
Communities expect:
- Tickets in elections
- Leadership positions in districts
- Real share in government roles
- Job distribution
- Visible inclusion in administration
- Opportunities for youth
- Social respect in political forums
Until RJD brings undeniable structural inclusion—beyond symbolism—non-MY castes will hesitate.
Tejashwi’s 10 Lakh Jobs Promise: Popular but Limited
Tejashwi’s job narrative has made him a youth icon. In urban and semi-urban Bihar, young voters across caste lines resonate with him. They believe he understands their struggles. But elections in Bihar are not decided by youth alone.
Older voters still prioritize caste safety over job promises. Youth support influences debate, conversation, and popularity, but the final vote often hinges on household elders.
Tejashwi wins the narrative battle but still struggles with caste-rooted decision-making structures.
Alliances with Smaller Parties Help, But Don’t Transform
RJD’s alliances with Mukesh Sahani’s VIP and I.P. Singh’s Taanti-Paan Samaj outfits were strategic moves. They aimed to capture:
- Nishad votes
- Weaver communities
- Paan sellers
- Artisan castes
These alliances do help RJD expand its footprint. But they lack the depth and widespread influence of BJP’s and JD(U)’s grassroots systems.
VIP influences only select Nishad pockets.
Taanti-Paan outfits lack mass mobilization structures.
Hence, the alliances create noise—but not a decisive voter shift.
Ground Voices: The View from Villages Like Jainagar
Villages across Saran, Champaran, Gopalganj, and Bhojpur reflect similar sentiments. Voters say:
“Tejashwi talks good. But Yadav domination may return.”
“BJP gave our caste identity.”
“Nitish helped our caste rise.”
“RJD protected Yadavs more earlier.”
The difference between respect and trust is visible. Tejashwi is respected across communities. But trust requires time and structural decisions.
RJD’s Image Makeover: Strong Attempt, Slow Result
Tejashwi has tried:
- Clean politics
- Youth-driven leadership
- Digital campaigns
- Governance-first messaging
- Countering jungle raj narratives
But history adapts slowly. RJD’s image as a Yadav-dominated party persists despite visible changes.
Muslim Support: Consistent but Non-Expandable
The Muslim community remains RJD’s strongest ally. But that loyalty also becomes a political ceiling. If RJD is seen as excessively Muslim-centric, non-Muslim OBCs become cautious. If RJD shifts too much toward OBC outreach, Muslims may feel ignored.
Balancing these two pillars is RJD’s most delicate task.
What RJD Must Do Now
RJD needs:
Broad Panchayat-Level Leadership Beyond MY
- Koeri block leaders
- Kushwaha youth leaders
- Nonia ward leaders
- Teli cluster representatives
- Nishad mukhiyas
A Full Structural Representation Model
- Cabinet positions
- MLA tickets
- District-level administrative influence
A Statewide Aspirational Development Agenda
- Jobs
- Urban renewal
- Skill economy
- Industrial corridors
- Migration solutions
A Consistent Caste Reconciliation Framework
RJD must rewrite the rural narrative that has haunted it for 30 years.
CONCLUSION
The Rashtriya Janata Dal stands at a turning point. Its historical strengths—the MY coalition—are stable but limited in today’s diversified political environment. Tejashwi Yadav’s charisma, job narrative, and modern outlook inspire a large segment of Bihar’s youth. But electoral outcomes depend on deeper, ground-level trust among communities beyond MY.
To transform RJD into a truly statewide alternative, the party must:
- Build structural representation
- Heal historical caste wounds
- Craft an economy-first narrative
- Engage EBCs with long-term commitment
- Scale beyond symbolic gestures
RJD’s future lies not just in defending its strongholds but in embracing the vast and complex social map of Bihar with sincerity, patience, and long-term planning.
The road is tough, but the opportunity is real.
